“The Conflicts in Balochistan by Abdul Rehman Cheema”

Balochistan, Pakistan’s largest and most resource-rich province, has great potential to become an economic hub. However, it is facing many problems, including economic, political, and social crises. These issues have led to conflicts and liberation movements in the province for many years since 1948. Basically, there are many political and historical reasons that result in conflict in the province, such as the One Unit scheme, a few representation of the Baloch in the political structure, exploitation of resources, and a sense of deprivation. Weak government policies, the influence of traditional leaders (Sardars), the Wadaera system, and foreign interference in separatist movements have also contributed to the province’s marginalization. To truly address the conflicts in Balochistan, the government needs to take significant and meaningful steps to listen to the people’s concerns and work towards resolving the conflicts.

Before looking into the origin of the conflicts in Balochistan, it’s important to understand the region’s strategic importance to Pakistan. Historically, Balochistan covers parts of Iran’s Sistan and Baluchestan province, Pakistan’s Balochistan province, and Afghanistan’s Helmand province. Its southern border is the Gulf of Oman, and the area is mostly made up of mountains and deserts. Most of the Baloch people live in Pakistan’s Balochistan province.
Balochistan is a key part of Pakistan’s economy and security because of its strategic position and rich natural resources. The province shares a 770-mile border with Iran and Afghanistan and has a coastline of about 500 miles along the Arabian Sea, making it important for trade and security. Gwadar Port is located in Balochistan, and it’s a deep-sea port that is a key part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). This port could greatly change Pakistan’s economy by offering a direct trade route to Central Asia, the Middle East, and South Asia.

Figure 1: Source: Drishtii media

Balochistan also has large deposits of minerals like copper, gold, coal, and chromite. The Reko Diq area alone is said to have copper and gold reserves worth about $2. 5 trillion. The province also plays a key role in meeting Pakistan’s energy needs, with major reserves of natural gas and oil. The Sui gas field in Balochistan is one of the largest natural gas fields in the country and contributes significantly to gas production. Because of its strategic location and rich resources, Balochistan is very important for Pakistan’s economic development and national security.

The conflicts in Balochistan started after the independence of Pakistan. Balochistan region has a lot of natural resources but isn’t well developed. The Baloch people feel left out by the central government of Pakistan, which has led to separatist groups and armed groups demanding independence.

After the city of Kalat joined Pakistan, there was a lot of unrest because many Baloch wanted their own country. During the time when the subcontinent was divided into India and Pakistan, Kalat was a small kingdom that had to choose whether to join India or Pakistan. The leader of Kalat, the Khan, said they would not join either country in 1947. But later, on March 27, 1948, Kalat joined Pakistan after talks between the Khan of Kalat, Ahmed Yar Khan, and Quaid-e-Azam. This decision started the conflict. Agha Abdul Karim, the brother of the Khan of Kalat, rebelled against this decision and started an armed uprising from the Jhalawan area. Even though he eventually gave up, this rebellion started the Baloch conflict. From 1948 to 1955, Pakistan slowly made Balochistan part of the country through laws, which left a lasting anger and tension that still encourages Baloch nationalists today.

In 1955, When Pakistan’s Prime Minister, Muhammad Ali Bogra, introduced the One Unit Scheme, it sparked widespread unrest in Balochistan. The scheme merged the four provinces of West Pakistan including Balochistan, Punjab, NWFP (now Khyber Pakhtun khwa), and Sindh into a single unit to balance the power between East and West Pakistan. Baloch leaders were concerned that this move would give Punjab too much control over their region, further marginalizing Balochistan. They felt that the One Unit Scheme would erode their autonomy, leading to revolts against the government.
On Oct 7, 1958, President Sikander Mirza took control of Pakistan, abolished the constitution, and imposed martial law. This move sparked unrest in Balochistan, where the government also asked tribespeople to surrender their weapons at the respective local police stations particularly in Jhalawan and Sarwan. This resulted in a guerilla war under the leadership of Nawab Nauroz Khan Zarakzai Zehri. He belonged to the Zehri tehsil of the Khuzdar district and also served as a civil servant from 1908 to 1910 but resigned when his brother Nawab Muhammad Khan revolted against the British government.
Nawab Nauroz Khan gathered around 1,000 armed men and demanded the release of the Khan of Kalat and the abolition of the One Unit Scheme. Clashes broke out in various parts of Balochistan, including near the Iranian border and Quetta. Eventually, peace talks were held and Nawab Nauroz Khan agreed to lay down arms after promises of amnesty. [2] However, he and his companions were later arrested, tried in a military court, and sentenced. Nawab Nauroz Khan’s sentence was initially death but it was later changed to life imprisonment. His son and five other family members were not as fortunate and were sentenced to death.

Figure 2: Nawab Nauroz Khan (2nd L) along with Sardar Atta Ullah Mengal (C) and Ghous Baksh Bezinjo (2nd R) in Sukkur Jail. (Courtesy: BBC Urdu)

The Baloch separatist movement gained momentum in the 1960s, fueled by the 1956 constitution’s limitations on provincial autonomy and the One Unit Scheme influenced by Marxist-Leninist ideology. Tensions grew as the federal government deployed the Pakistan Army to build new bases in Balochistan. Sher Muhammad Bijrani Marri led militants in guerrilla warfare from 1963 to 1969, during conflicts in Balochistan targeting railway tracks and convoys. Sher Muhammad Marri, also known as General Sherof, led the Baloch People’s Liberation Front (BPLF) and demanded the removal of One Unit, a unified Balochistan, and control over the region’s resources. The insurgency continued until 1969, when General Yahya Khan succeeded Ayub Khan as President of Pakistan and abolished the One Unit Scheme, restoring provincial autonomy. Then Governor of West Pakistan, Air Marshal Nur Khan, negotiated an agreement with the Baloch insurgents, leading to a ceasefire. [3] This marked the end of the insurgency, with Balochistan being recognized as Pakistan’s fourth province, including the former princely states and the coastal area of Gwadar.

The period of 1970s in the history of Pakistan was full of conflicts in Balochistan. These conflicts lasted from 1973 to 1977 between the Pakistan Army and Baloch separatists. President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto dismissed the elected government of Balochistan, claiming arms were found in the Iraqi Embassy meant for Baloch rebels. This sparked protests and demands for Balochistan’s independence. Bhutto sent the army, led by General Tikka Khan, to the province.

Figure 3: People protested against the Bhutto regime, aftermath of NAP’s government dismissal

Besides Pakistan, Iran was also worried about a possible rebellion in its own Baloch-majority area. The Shah of Iran at the time (1941–1979), Muhammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, didn’t want a Baloch nationalist movement to start in the western part of Iranian Balochistan, which is next to the eastern part of Pakistani Balochistan. Iran supported the operation, while Baloch leaders like Khair Bakhsh Marri, Abdul Wali Khan and Ataullah Mengal led the resistance. The conflict saw intense fighting, especially in 1974. [4] During the four years of insurgency, some 178 major and 167 minor-level clashes were reported in the province. However, in 1977, General Zia-ul-Haq overthrew Bhutto’s government and imposed martial law. The new government, led by Rahimuddin Khan, declared a general amnesty, and the military action stopped by November 1977.

The fifth phase of the conflicts in Balochistan began in 2005, after a serious incident where Dr. Shazia Khalid was allegedly raped at the Sui gas facility. When President Pervez Musharraf said that the accused, Captain Hammad, was not guilty, it angered the Bugti tribe. Led by Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, the tribe started a violent rebellion and disrupted gas supply to large parts of Pakistan for several weeks. Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti and Mir Balach Marri gave the Pakistan government a list of 15 demands. They wanted more control over Balochistan’s natural resources and an end to the building of new military bases in the region. However, On 26 August 2006, Akbar Bugti was killed after the collapse of the cave in which he was hiding.
According to the Pakistan Army’s media wing (ISPR), soldiers were sent into the cave in the Kohlu area after a guide from the Bugti tribe confirmed Bugti was inside. The army said their goal was to arrest him, not to harm him. However, once the soldiers entered, a sudden blast of unknown cause occurred, causing the cave to collapse and killing everyone inside. [5]
In 2009, Ghulam Mohammed Baloch, president of the Baloch National Movement, along with two other nationalist leaders, was kidnapped and later found dead. Their deaths led to widespread protests and conflicts in Balochistan. Also in 2009, Mir Suleiman Dawood, the Khan of Kalat, declared himself the ruler of Balochistan and set up a Council for Independent Balochistan. Since then, different militant groups like the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) and the Balochistan Liberation Front (BLF) have been carrying out attacks on military forces, government buildings, and even Chinese workers. The ongoing conflict has led to many human rights violations and has drawn attention from the international community.
On 16 January 2025, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, leader of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (F), told the Pakistan National Assembly that the government had lost control in some areas of Balochistan. He said that in certain schools, the national anthem couldn’t be sung, and the national flag couldn’t even be raised. This shows that there is a wide range of conflicts in Balochistan.

• 15 October 2020: A convoy of the state-run Oil & Gas Development Company (OGDCL) was attacked on the coastal highway in Ormara, Balochistan. At least 14 security personnel were killed.
• 27 December 2020: Seven soldiers were killed in a gun attack on a Frontier Corps post in Harnai district.
• PIPS Report 2021: Balochistan was the second most violence-affected province in which 136 people were killed in 81 terrorist attacks. 71 of these attacks were carried out by banned Baloch nationalist groups like the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA), Balochistan Liberation Front, Baloch Republican Army, and Baloch Republican Guards.
• 20 January 2022: A bombing in Anarkali Bazaar, Lahore, killed three people and injured over 20. The Baloch Nationalist Army claimed responsibility, saying it targeted bank workers.
• 30 January 2022: A grenade attack in Dera Allahyar, Jaffarabad district, injured 17 people, including two policemen.
• 2 March 2022: A powerful explosion on Fatima Jinnah Road in Quetta killed three people, including a Deputy Superintendent of Police (DSP), and injured 25 others.
• 8 March 2022: A bombing in Sibi, shortly after President Arif Alvi addressed a public event, killed seven security personnel.
• 7 February 2024: Two bombings took place on the eve of the 2024 Pakistani general election, killing dozens of people.
• 9 November 2024: A BLA suicide bombing at Quetta railway station killed over 30 people and injured many others.

On March 11, 2025, a Pakistani passenger train called the Jaffar Express, traveling from Quetta to Peshawar with around 380 people on board, was hijacked by the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA). The attackers set off bombs on the tracks and in nearby tunnels, then started shooting, forcing the train to stop in a remote mountainous area that was hard for security forces to reach. The BLA demanded that Baloch political prisoners be freed within 48 hours, threatening to kill the hostages if their demands weren’t met. Although they released some people, the situation remained dangerous. In response, Pakistan Railways suspended all train services between Balochistan and the provinces of Punjab and Sindh for safety reasons.
Between March 11 and 12, the Pakistan Army launched a rescue mission called Operation Green Bolan. After several raids, they managed to rescue 354 hostages and kill 33 BLA fighters. In total, 64 people died, including 18 soldiers, and 38 others were injured. The incident was strongly condemned across Pakistan. All political parties in the National Assembly passed a resolution against the attack. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif called the attackers cowards, expressed sorrow for the victims, and said the BLA fighters had been sent to hell.

Figure 4: A police personnel stands guard on the Jaffar Express passenger train as it resumes its services days after an attack by ethnicAttack on School Bus in Khuzdar

On May 21, 2025, a suicide bombing targeted a school bus in Khuzdar, a city in Balochistan, Pakistan. The bus was carrying students from the Army Public School when a suicide attacker drove a vehicle filled with explosives straight into it. At least 10 people were killed, including eight children, the bus driver, and the bus conductor. The bomber also died in the blast. No group came forward to take responsibility for the bombing. However, Pakistani authorities accused Indian intelligence agencies of being behind the attack, claiming they used proxy militant groups to carry it out and also Balochistan Liberation army (BLA).

Figure 5: A blast hit a school bus in Pakistan’s southwest Balochistan province [Handout/Khuzdar District Administration]

It is the most recent conflict in Balochistan province. On July 16, 2025, a passenger bus was attacked near Niemurgh Cross in Kalat, Balochistan, leaving three people dead and seven injured. The victims were part of a Qawwali group from Karachi, heading to Quetta to perform at an event. Local officials blamed the attack on Fitna al-Hindustan, a group they say is an Indian-backed proxy militant outfit. The bus came under fire while traveling from Karachi to Quetta. The victims were part of the Majid Ali Sabri Qawwali group, not related to the famous Sabri Brothers. A group member, Nadeem, shared in a video that they were only 45 minutes away from their destination when the attack happened, asking, “What was our fault? We only sing Qawwali and Naat.” On the same day, in a separate incident in Awaran district, a Pakistani security officer was martyred, and three militants believed to be linked to India were killed in an intelligence operation, according to the military’s media wing (ISPR)

The Dominance of Sardar System

The Sardar system has traditionally controlled the social and political landscape of Balochistan. Within this tribal system, Sardars, inherited chiefs of the tribe, exercise significant power over their individual tribes. Their impact ranges from resolving local conflicts to regulating access to resources, land, and political authority. In numerous regions, the authority of the state is feeble or nonexistent, and the Sardar’s command prevails. In certain instances, Sardars have been said to resist education, particularly for girls, worried that an educated society might challenge their power and demand reform. That’s why Balochistan faces the lowest levels of literacy and human development metrics in Pakistan.
The system is regarded as fundamentally feudal and opposed to democracy. Authority is inherited through families and choices are made by the Sardar without feedback from regular tribespeople. This accumulation of power hinders leadership based on merit and limits political involvement to a small elite group. In numerous instances, Sardars occupy significant political roles at either the provincial or national level, not due to public service or broad support but rather because of their tribal identity and the electoral influence of their followers. This weakens democratic governance and prevents the rise of new leaders from within the community and paves the way of conflicts in Balochistan.
Economically, the Sardar system has led to the uneven allocation of resources. In tribal areas, ordinary people remain economically dependent on their Sardars, who may control land, employment, and access to government schemes.

Foreign Involvement in Balochistan

Over the years, during the ongoing conflicts in Balochistan, the government of Pakistan has blamed other countries, primarily India, for aiding separatist and militant activities in the province. Such claims come from the perception that some foreign countries aim to foster chaos in Balochistan in order to destabilize Pakistan or to undermine crucial projects like China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which traverses through the region. India has specifically been the target of many such claims. Pakistani authorities are of the conviction that India, in retaliation to Pakistan’s role in the Kashmir conflict, seeks to aggravate unrest in Balochistan. In 2016, Pakistan arrested an Indian citizen, Kulbhushan Jadhav, and alleged he was a terrorist supporter seeking to destabilize Balochistan. India refuted this and narrated Jadhav’s story as a retired navy officer who was abducted from Iran. This incident increased tensions between the two countries and brought global attention to the issue.

Figure 6: Kalbhushan Jhadav.

Aside from India, other foreign players might have an interest in Balochistan due to its geostrategic position and immense resources. This province shares borders with Afghanistan and Iran, as well as has a coastline along the Arabian Sea. Because of this, global powers, including the United States and China, closely watch the situation. For example, China is heavily involved in Balochistan through CPEC and the development of the Gwadar port.

Marginalization of Baloch

Marginalization means they believe they are being ignored, left behind, or not treated equally compared to other provinces like Punjab or Sindh. Although Balochistan is the largest province by area, it is the least developed in terms of education, health, jobs, and infrastructure. This has created a strong feeling among the Baloch people that they are not being given their fair share of the country’s resources and attention.
At the heart of the conflicts in Balochistan lies this economic and social disparity. Balochistan produces a large amount of Pakistan’s natural gas nearly 40% of the country’s gas at one point but many areas in Balochistan do not have gas connections themselves. In contrast, big cities in other provinces enjoy the benefits of this gas. This makes locals feel that their resources are being taken away without giving them anything in return.

Education and health are also far behind in Balochistan. According to reports, the literacy rate in Balochistan is below 50%, which is much lower than the national average. Many children, especially girls, do not go to school and there are not enough teachers or school buildings. Healthcare is another big problem. In many rural areas, there are no hospitals or doctors, and people have to travel long distances to get even basic treatment. Many Baloch youth cannot find jobs, even in local development projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).

Locals feel that outsiders are being hired instead of them. For example, in the Gwadar port project, which is supposed to bring progress to the region, many locals say they are not being given proper jobs or training. This adds to the belief that they are being treated as outsiders in their own land. This kind of neglect leads to frustration and anger among the people.
Politically, the Baloch people also feel left out. While Balochistan has representation in the national and provincial assemblies, many say that real decisions are made in Islamabad without truly listening to the local population. In addition, military operations and the presence of security forces in the province have created fear and distrust and also highlighted the conflicts in Balochistan.

• Political Dialogue and Reconciliation: To overcome the conflicts in Balochistan, start an honest and inclusive political dialogue with all Baloch groups, including those who feel alienated or have taken up arms. The government should reach out to Baloch nationalist leaders, listen to their concerns, and work towards peaceful solutions. Fair Share of Resources: The government should ensure that a fair share of resource, profits goes directly to Balochistan locals. Royalty payments, development funds, and jobs should be provided to locals, especially in projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the Gwadar port.
• Lack of Education: The government should invest in building schools, colleges, and technical institutes in both urban and rural areas.
• End of Feudal System: The end of the wadera (feudal) system is an important part of the solution to unrest in Balochistan. To end the wadera system, land reforms are necessary. Large landholdings controlled by a few families should be fairly redistributed to poor farmers. This would reduce the power of feudal lords and help create a more equal society.
• At the same time, the government must strengthen local institutions like schools, courts, and police so that people don’t have to rely on tribal chiefs for justice or basic services. Giving people better access to education, health, and legal rights will weaken the grip of feudalism over time.

The unrest and conflicts in Balochistan has deep roots, starting from the events of 1948 and continuing through decades of mistrust, violence, and a lack of development. The people of Balochistan have long felt ignored and left behind, which has led to repeated conflicts and demands for greater rights. While there are many reasons behind the unrest including political, economic, and social issues including the wadaera system the key to peace lies in dialogue, justice, and real development. If the government listens to the concerns of the Baloch people, ensures fair treatment, and invests in education, jobs, and infrastructure, then the situation can improve. Lasting peace in Balochistan is possible, but it needs honesty, understanding, and a strong commitment from all sides.

1. Imtiaz Baloch, “Timeline of Insurgency In Balochistan,” Khorasan Diary, April 4, 2023.
2. Islamabad Research Institute, journal 2020, Maping Militant Manifestation in Balochistan by Maryam Azam
3. Asia Report No. 119″. Pakistan: The Worsening Conflict in Balochistan. International Crisis Group. 14 September 2006. p. 4.
4. Foreign policy centre: on the margins of history 2008
5. “Tribal Leader’s Killing Incites Riots in Pakistan”. The New York Times. 28 August 2006